The Textual History of the Linji lu (Record of Linji): The Earliest Recorded Fragments
University of Winnipeg
Context and Background to the Study of the Linji lu
Linji Yixuan (?-866) is regarded as the leading representative of Chan and Zen Buddhism during the Chinese Tang dynasty (618-906). The record of his teachings, dialogues, and activities, the Linji lu (Record of Linji), serves as a primary example of the iconoclastic, antinomian, and unconventional spirit for which Chan and Zen are well-known. Linji's name became associated with the leading branch of Chan during the Song dynasty (960-1268), when members of the Linji faction headed influential state-supported monasteries and authored works commissioned by imperial edict. In
As the head of a leading Chan faction in
Along with this focus on early Chan history, considerable work was done on the "golden age" of Tang dynasty Chan, the group of Chan monks deemed responsible for forging Chan's classical style: Mazu Daoyi (709-788), Baizhang Huaihai (749-814), Huangbo Xiyun (d. ca. 850), and Linji Yixuan (d. 866). As the name bearer of one of
The works of Yanagida Seizan provide the most sophisticated understanding of the development of Linji Chan in
More recently, scholarship in the area of Chan and Zen studies has shifted from the Tang to the Song period. Rejecting the "golden age" hypothesis as an ideological construct of the later Chan and Zen school, scholars in the West, while continually indebted to the advances made by Japanese scholars, have begun to challenge some of their leading assumptions. Particularly singled out was the notion of a "pure" Zen, a leading concept in Zen studies until recently that privileged enlightenment as a pure, unadulterated and unmediated experience of reality, uncompromising in its provocative assertion of a truth that condemned all vestiges of formalism. As Bernard Faure has pointed out, even scholars like Yanagida, the father of modern Zen studies, have not been immune to such ideological presuppositions.6
An important distinction of the current study is that between the historical figure of Linji and the text that bears his name. Like many early Chan figures, the life of the historical person Linji is shrouded in legend. The relevant details of Linji's life have been ably interpreted by Yanagida Seizan, in his article "The Life of Lin-chi I-hsuan."7 The record of Linji's sermons, dialogues, and activities in the Linji lu are presented as if they were eye-witness accounts of the activities of Linji the man. While they may have indeed been inspired by the actual words and deeds of Linji, some 250 years separate Linji's life (d. 866) and the compilation of the Linji lu in its "standard" form (1120). Even though the Linji lu is frequently read as a direct reflection of the words and deeds of Linji the man, the situation was obviously otherwise. Linji wrote nothing himself, but it seems to have been an increasingly common practice at the time for students to keep note books recording the content of sermons, conversations, and interactions with masters. The earliest surviving record of such material is the Zutang ji (Patriarch's Hall Anthology), compiled in 952. A compilation that includes material on around 250 masters, the Zutang ji used xinglu (record of activities) or shilu (veritable records) as sources. This collection contains the earliest recorded fragments of Linji's teachings. Shortly after the Zutang ji, a scholastic Chan monk by the name of Yongming Yanshou (904-975) issued the Zongjing lu (Records of the Source-Mirror) in 961. The Zongjing lu was devoted to harmony between Chan and scholastic Buddhism, and thus stood in contrast to the yulu (recorded sayings) style of compilation that typified the new Chan literary mode of this era. In spite of this, Yanshou did manage to record a few "new" Chan materials in his compilation, among them being some fragments of Linji's teaching. With the reconsolidation of the Chinese empire by the Song emperors beginning in 960, Chan assumed hitherto unheard of importance in official circles. Supported by high-ranking officials and members of the elite with close ties to the emperor, Chan enjoyed great prestige. When the classic work of Chan transmission history, the Jingde chuandeng lu (Jingde era Lamp Transmission Record), appeared in 1004, it was issued under imperial sanction with a preface by Yang Yi (974-1020), one of the leading officials and literary figures of the day. The Jingde chuandeng lu included not only a record of Linji, but also excerpted fragments of Linji's teaching in a special section appended to the main body of the work. Linji was one of only twelve Chan masters to have his teachings recorded in this way in the Jingde chuandeng lu. The inclusion of the emperor's current reign designation (jingde) in the title of the work symbolized a new era of official recognition for Chan. Official recognition for Chan also coincided with the rising influence of the Linji faction at the Song court. The Tiansheng guangdeng lu (Tiansheng era Supplementary Transmission Record) compiled by Li Zunxu, a son-in-law of the emperor, in 1036, confirmed Linji Chan dominance at the Song court. One of the features of this work is the inclusion of chapters devoted to the "recorded sayings" (yulu) of prominent Chan masters of a lineage culminating with Linji: Mazu Daoyi, Baizhang Huaihai, Huangbo Xiyun, and Linji Yixuan. The inclusion of full versions of these masters sayings in the Tiansheng guangdeng lu suggests to Yanagida Seizan that these chapters represent the contents of the Sijia yulu (Recorded Sayings of the Four Houses). The Sijia yulu which was compiled early in the eleventh century but is currently available to us in only a seventeenth century version.8 The work of documenting the teachings of these masters at this time is connected directly to Linji faction aims to substantiate and validate their legitimacy as representatives of "true" Chan at the Song court. The version of the Linji lu recorded in the Tiansheng guangdeng lu represents the earliest known version of the full contents of the Linji lu. The Tiansheng guangdeng lu version and the "standard" Linji lu text compiled in 1120 differ only in the arrangement of their contents. The order of the contents in the two texts varies greatly, but there is no significant difference in the wording itself.
The story of the Linji lu is not the story of one man, Linji Yixuan. It is the story of a movement. The success of this movement contains the story of the success of Chan. In brief, my research on the Linji lu will not be set against the background of Linji the man and the style of Zen he represented, but will look at the Linji lu in light of the success of Chan, particularly the Linji faction, in Song
Linji wrote nothing himself. Our knowledge of his teachings allegedly depends on notes taken by students of his sermons, lectures, dialogues, and other interactions. The names of those who originally kept such note books are unknown to us. Eventually, fragments of Linji's teachings were included in Chan transmission records. These fragments are dateable by the collections in which they appear, and constitute our earliest knowledge of Linji's teachings. However, it is important to acknowledge that the fragments themselves, as part of earlier supposed collections of notes on Linji's teachings, cannot be limited with certainty by the date of the collection in which they occur. My purpose here is not to recover the "original" teachings of the historical Linji, which are probably unrecoverable in any case. My purpose is to document stages in the formation of a body of literature associated with Linji which eventually culminated in the text known as the Linji lu.
The following texts, listed in the order of their compilation, contain either fragments or complete versions of teachings and activities relating to Linji.
In addition to documenting the development of teachings associated with Linji, my analysis attempts to connect the presentation of Linji's teachings to the motives of each of the compilations. It is clear that while Linji was a significant enough person to have his legacy documented in the Zutang ji and the Zongjing lu, he does not really begin to emerge as an especially important presence in the Chan tradition until the Jingde chuandeng lu. He is included there among a prestigious group of twelve masters whose teachings are represented in an appended chapter (28). The first complete record of his teachings was issued some thirty years later, in two chapters of the Tiansheng guangdeng lu, allegedly reflecting the content of the Sijia yulu (Recorded Sayings of four Houses), issued around the same time. The special regard accorded Linji and his teachings at this time is directly connected to the prestige won by members of the Linji faction at the Song court, and reflects their attempt to gain legitimacy and sanction for their interpretation of Chan. I am less familiar with the circumstances surrounding the issue of the Linji lu as an independent text. The monk responsible for editing the "standard" version of the Linji lu into its accepted form, Zongyan, was affiliated with the Yunmen lineage and was summoned to court to preach during the xuanhe era (1119-1125) of Emperor Huizong, where he was awarded an honorific title. Zongyan also issued a reedited version of the Yunmen lu (Record of Yunmen), the founder of the lineage with which he was associated, around the same time.
As important as the Sijia yulu/ Tiansheng guangdeng lu is to our knowledge of the Linji lu, my present concern is confined to the earlier fragments of Linji's teachings, namely those recorded in the Zutang ji, Zongjing lu, and Jingde chuandeng lu. What were the earliest recorded examples of Linji's teachings? What similarities and differences existed among them? How similar or dissimilar was the terminology ascribed to Linji? In other words, how consistent were the teachings themselves, and how uniform was the language used in them? Who recorded them? Why were they recorded? How were they recorded? The answers to these questions, and others like them, emerge from the study of the fragments. In effect, the answers to these questions are not unique to the figure of Linji, but are tied to the rising prominence of the Chan movement as a whole. In this sense, Linji and the Linji lu are not unique, but are prominent examples of the patriarch-making process that Chan was engaged in an attempt to forge its identity in the emerging Song milieu.The Origins of yulu (Recorded Sayings)
Texts belonging to the yulu genre are comprised of various materials. In general, they constitute an anthology of a master's words and deeds, and include dialogues and other interactions between the master and his students, oral teachings in the form of lectures (shangtang), and verses or short essays by the master or students. All display a similar style and content reflective of the master's characteristic approach to Chan.
The contrast between Chan and doctrinal Buddhist teaching (jiao) was noted by Zongmi.
Doctrinal Buddhism consists of the sūtras and
Given the identification of yulu as an anthology of a Chan master's words and deeds, it is surprising that the term was first used in a non-Chan text. The oldest recorded use of the term yulu is in the Song gaoseng zhuan, compiled by Zanning in 988, where it is found in the records of Huangbo Xiyun (d. 849) and Zhaozhou Congshen (778-897) with the statement that their "recorded sayings (yulu) were in circulation throughout the world."10 This notation by Zanning is noteworthy for two reasons. In the first place, it makes clear that such records were in existence by this time — collections of Chan master's words and deeds had been compiled and were in circulation. Secondly, it suggests that the term yulu was not originally used by Chan monks themselves to refer to prominent master's teachings, but was used by "outsiders" to define a burgeoning trend. While a Buddhist monk, Zanning was highly placed in the Song administration and compiled his works at imperial request. He was on friendly terms with the newly formed Song secular elite who, in many respects, considered him as one of their own.11 As such, it is likely that the term yulu originated among literati to define the literature associated with the new trends that Chan represented. While the term yulu does not appear in the earliest Chan record to document these trends, the Zutang ji (compiled in 952), other terms make clear that the recording of master's teachings and activities had become commonplace. For example, the admission that the compilers were unable to consult a particular master's "record of activities" (xinglu) appears randomly throughout the Zutang ji, indicating that such records were commonly used as source material for the compilation. In addition, the terms xingzhuang ("outline of actions") and bielu ("separate record") are also found in the Zutang ji as indicators that such records existed under various labels.12
The emergence of the yulu genre was inspired by Mazu Daoyi (709-788), and bears close relationship with the subsequent development of Mazu's lineage. Breaking with previous Buddhist tradition, Mazu lineage teachings could not be confined by traditional literary forms; they demanded a more direct style and "a new method of expression to match their new content."13 While the yulu for Mazu was compiled much later, some indication of the characteristic style attributed to him is apparent in his records in the Zutang ji and Chuandeng lu.14
Yanagida Seizan argues that it was the attention to master's actions as "models of enlightened behaviour" that led directly to the recorded sayings genre. As a master's popularity spread and the numbers of students increased, opportunities for individual instruction diminished. In this context, moments of direct contact between master and disciples became prized experiences, and Yanagida speculates that some students began taking secret notes of their encounters. Eventually, anthologies were created of the teacher's words and actions based on collections of these notes.15
While the practice of taking notes and creating anthologies was apparently widespread, it was not always encouraged. In the Linji lu, Linji criticizes students who "revere the words of some decrepit old man as being 'the profound truth' writing them down in a big notebook, which they then wrap up in numerous covers and not let anyone else see."16 Meanwhile, Linji respected his own seniors in the Mazu lineage (Magu, Tanxia, Daoyi, Lushan, Shigong, et al.), and Yanagida concludes that each of their teachings "must have been in wide circulation at the time, perhaps only in brief sayings, phrases, or poems," and that "various teachers of Chinese Chan Buddhism referred to such material out of their own interests and used it in elucidation of their own teachings by means of quotation, comment, and criticism."17
One of the marked contributions of the Chan approach was a new attitude toward the meaning of Buddhist scriptures. As is well-known, one of the hallmarks of Chan is its claim to be "a special transmission apart from the teachings" (jiaowai biechuan), where "the teachings" refer to the doctrinal teachings and scriptures (jiao) of traditional Buddhism, and "not dependent on words and letters" (buli wenzi). In fact, the slogan "a special transmission apart from the teachings" is a late, post-Tang innovation, developed to highlight Chan's independence from Buddhist doctrinal schools and the scriptural tradition they are based on.18 The earlier slogan, "do not depend on words and letters," developed during the Tang, and reflects not a complete renunciation of the scriptures but a new understanding of them. Instead of written commentaries on the scriptures, Chan proclaimed to represent a tradition of oral commentary. The scriptures are not rejected, but treated as the Buddha's "recorded sayings." In effect, fo jing, the scriptures of the Buddha, became fo yulu, the recorded sayings of the Buddha. The Buddha's scriptures became seen in the manner of Chan patriarchs teachings, as the transcripts of oral instruction.19 This presented a problem in the case of the Indian patriarchs, whose recorded teachings exhibited unmistakable preference for the kind of doctrinal discussion characteristic of head monks or scripture masters otherwise singled out for criticism in Chan records. In fact, the written commentaries of many of these Indian patriarchs were the bases upon which the system of doctrinal classification (panjiao) common to Chinese Buddhist schools was constructed. Later Chan interpretation condoned this by claiming that in spite of the great amount of doctrinal material in the Indian patriarchs teachings, final transmission of the teaching in every case depended on the kind of direct practical demonstration found in Chan transmission records.20 This in turn demonstrates how the new perspective championed in Chan transmission records determined the shape of their contents. The requirements of the genre necessitated that Indian patriarchs exhibit Chan characteristics, like the composing of verses to signify transmission. Square-pegged Indian patriarchs were wedged into the round holes of Chan transmission. We can assume a similar process was at work in shaping Chinese Chan masters into prototypical roles.
The slogan for Chan, "a special transmission apart from the teachings" may reflect the origins of yulu as oral tradition written in private notes. Since yulu did not originate as written records, flexibility prevailed in the discussion of them. As they were brought up for discussion, commented on and critiqued, yulu were subtly altered and enhanced as they were filtered through the memories of successive generations. While we can only glimpse, and just barely, at this filtering process, it is clear that such a process took place. The practice of raising a story, questioning and commenting on it, is amply evident in Chan transmission records that we possess from this period. The fact that different traditions existed about a master's life and career is also evident, as is the process of subtly altering and enhancing existing stories. All of these features will be examined below in examples taken from the existing records regarding Linji.
The fluid process of development that characterized yulu eventually came to an end, when they were written down, edited, and published. The first collections were the aforementioned Chan transmission records (denglu), the Zutang ji and Jingde Chuandeng lu. While these did not yet constitute yulu records themselves, they were based on hitherto privately circulating yulu documents and contained many of the same features of later yulu in abbreviated form. In addition, other documents issued around the same time, Yanshou's Zongjing lu and Zanning's Song gaoseng zhuan, further enhanced our understanding of yulu and the figures that they were devoted to. Sprinkled throughout Yanshou's massive tribute to the Buddhist teaching on mind (xin) are yulu fragments taken from the records of various Chan masters. And based on the conventional Chinese Buddhist biographical framework characteristic of the gaoseng zhuan genre, Zanning documented the lives of many Chan yulu figures. Chapter 28 of the Chuandeng lu, in particular, played an important role in fostering this new literary trend. Included in it are extensive segments of yulu drawn from the records of twelve prominent Chan masters.21 The Tiansheng Guangdeng lu continues this trend. It largely dispenses with the biographical framework of previous records, substituting large extracts of yulu teachings in its place. It also confirms the degree to which yulu were associated with the Linji lineage, including complete versions of the yulu of the four generations of masters that the contemporary Linji faction framed their identity around: Mazu Daoyi, Baizhang Huaihai, Huangbo Xiyun, and Linji Yixuan.22 Aided by technological advances, the development of wood-block printing, yulu texts were widely disseminated. Both as a function of Chan's growing popularity and the ready availability of yulu texts, yulu became "fixed as classical literature."23 With the publication of yulu texts, the wording of yulu assumed a more rigid form. While commentary continued on stories and teachings associated with masters continued and eventually became formalized in gong'an (J. kōan) techniques, the stories themselves assumed a fixed form.
As the dates of the above mentioned records indicate, the impulse to edit, evaluate, and publish yulu materials became strong at the beginning of the Song.24 The stimulus for this activity was the Fayan lineage situated in Wuyue and Nan Tang. Members of this lineage were immediately responsible for publishing the Zongjing lu and the Chuandeng lu. Associates of an affiliated lineage in the same geographical area compiled the Zutang ji. Members of the Fayan lineage were instrumental in restoring religious centers on Tiantai and Lu shan. The origins of Zhaozhou yulu are closely tied to the restoration at Lu shan. The text was edited by Xixian Chengshi (?-991?), a contemporary of Yanshou and Daoyuan, and a disciple of Fayan Wenyi's student, Baizhang Daochang.25 Chengshi was the teacher of Huanglong Huinan (1002-1069), and it is on the basis of these connections that Yanagida proposes that the inspiration for the Huanglong lineage was directly related to earlier success of the Fayan lineage. Huanglong resided at the Guizong temple on Lu shan, a center for the Fayan lineage, which became the center from which the Huanglong faction developed. Huanglong himself was personally involved in the compilation of the Sijia yulu.26
The first actual yulu issued during this period was the Fenyang wude chanshi yulu, written and published around the time of Chuandeng lu (1004).27 Yang Yi wrote prefaces for both works, indicating the heavy involvement of leading government officials in recording and defining the literature marking the new Chan trend. Fenyang Wude's disciple, Ziming Chuyuan (987-1040), served as editor of the Fenyang wude chanshi yulu.28 Chuyuan, in turn, was the teacher of both Huanglong Huinan and Yangzhi Fanghui (996-1049), the leaders of the two branches of the Linji lineage that dominated Song Chan. Many of those involved in the re-publication efforts during the Song were affiliated with the Huanglong lineage. As Yanagida claims, these men were responsible for establishing a new genre of religious literature, qualitatively different from the "transmission of the lamp" records, marking a fully matured literary genre and a new period in the development of Chan.29 Following this, Chan entered a new period focusing on the collection of gong'an anthologies. The material used in these anthologies was largely drawn from episodes extracted from transmission records involving prominent Chan masters.The Categorization of Linji's Sayings
The term yulu, as seen above, was a later designation provided by outsiders to define the new Chan literary genre. Originally, different terms were used to refer to anthologies of Linji's sayings. These terms were in common use before yulu became standardized and were not exclusive to Linji, but found throughout references to the records of prominent Chan masters. Prior or in addition to yulu, before yulu was accepted as the standard designation, terms used to refer to collections of a master's sayings included yuben (Book of Sayings), yanjiao (Oral Teachings), bielu (Separate Record), guangyu (Extensive Sayings), yuyao (Essential Sayings), and simply yu (Sayings).
According to the Zutang ji, some students of Mazu, following his death, recorded interesting events of his life in a Book of Sayings (yuben).30 At the same time, the practice is disparaged as harmful to people who, not seeing that words are a trap, fail to grasp their meaning. They only remember the one saying from Mazu's teaching, "mind is Buddha," and nothing else. They forego real teachers to pursue the footsteps of Mazu. In spite of such warnings, it is apparent that the practice of collecting anthologies of master's sayings was widely practiced. The tomb-inscription written by Chen Xu for Mazu's disciple, Baizhang Huaihai, notes how two of his students Shenxing and Fanyun, collected brief sayings from Huaihai and edited them into a Book of Sayings (yuben).31 This suggest that Books of Sayings were particularly popular among Mazu's descendants, and were a way of commemorating the new style of Buddhism developed in the Mazu lineage.
While there is no mention of a Book of Sayings (yuben) for Linji, Zanning notes in the Song gaoseng zhuan that Linji's Oral Teachings (yanjiao) were extensively available.32 The term yanjiao occurs nine times in the Zutang ji, and appears prominently in Shengdeng's (Jingxiu Chanshi) preface to the work, apparently as a reference to the name of a book.33 The fact that the term yanjiao was used in book titles is confirmed by the appearance of the Nanyang chong heshang yanjiao (The Oral Teachings of Monk [Hui]chong of Nanyang) in Enchin's catalogue of works collected in China.34 Yanshou also uses the term yanjiao in the Zongjing lu in reference to the oral teachings of the patriarchs and buddhas.
In this way the oral teachings of Chan masters, the representatives of a new style of Buddhism, were ranked alongside traditional Buddhist scriptures as equally viable revelations of the mind-nature, the fundamental source from which illumination develops.36
At the end of Linji's record in the Zutang ji, the compilers note: "In addition [to what is recorded here], encounter dialogues (yingji duita) [involving Linji] appear extensively in a separate record (bielu)."37 "Separate Records" are so designated to contrast them with "Extensive Records" (guanglu), a variant of "Extensive Sayings" (guangyu). "Extensive Records" were collections of addresses delivered to the assembly, the shangtang sermons delivered in a more formal setting. "Separate Records"like the one mentioned for Linji here, were collections of encounter dialogues involving interactions between Linji and students or other masters.38 In addition to Linji, "Separate Records" are mentioned in relation to Changsha Jingcen and Yanguan in the Zutang ji.39
The existence of Linji's "Extensive Sayings" is apparent from the inclusion of portions of it in chapter 28 of the Chuandeng lu.40 The Chuandeng lu is the earliest record of guangyu and marks an important development in the recognition of the new yulu genre. Linji is one of twelve masters selected for inclusion here. Six of the twelve are connected with the Mazu lineage, indicating the importance of Mazu's descendants for the development of yulu literature.41 As indicated above, "Extensive Sayings" or "Records" were largely comprised of addresses delivered by masters to their assemblies, in contrast to "Separate Records" devoted to the interactions between masters and students. Judging from the compilers note, the material pertaining to Linji in the Zutang ji appears to be drawn largely from his "Extensive Record" and not his "Separate Record." Attributions to Linji in the Zongjing lu appear to be similarly drawn from his "Extensive Record." Materials connected to Linji in the Chuandeng lu, however, are more of a composite. The biographical record appears to include a lot of material from the "Separate Record," while the excerpts contained in chapter 28 are clearly taken from the "Extensive Record."
With the compilation of the Tiansheng Guangdeng lu, a complete version of Linji's yulu appeared, comprised of material from both the "Extensive Record" and "Separate Record." This marked a new stage in the recognition of Linji's status as a major Chan patriarch and recipient of transmission in the lineage descended from Mazu. This is implicit in the arrangement of the Tiansheng Guangdeng lu's contents, which for the first time recorded the yulu of four generations of descendants beginning with Mazu: Mazu → Baizhang → Huangbo → Linji. This was further affirmed in the subsequent compilation of the Sijia yulu (Recorded Sayings of the Four Houses), dedicated to the recorded sayings of the same four generations of descendants, ending with Linji.Content Analysis
Linji's Teaching: "The True Man with No-rank"
There is a fairly high degree of consistency in teachings attributed to Linji among the early fragments attributed to him. This is probably attributable to the manner in which Linji's teachings were recorded by students in notebooks and distributed among themselves, a convention in common usage at the time, as described above. It is generally true of the yulu of other Chan masters dating from this period. If anything, the Linji fragments exhibit a fluidity that distinguishes them from the others. In other words, while the Linji fragments exhibit a general consistency of themes, their expression is often highly nuanced in individual documents. For example, all sources agree that the notion of "the true man with no-rank" (wuyi zhenren) is central to Linji's teaching. Yet, note the variance with which it is depicted in different sources.
Zutang ji ed.
Linji's opening address here ("I, a mountain monk, tell you clearly-within the body-field of the five skandhas there is a true man with no-rank, always present, not even a hair's breadth away. Why don't you recognize him?") is attributed virtually verbatim to Linji in both the Zongjing lu and the guanglu section of the Chuandeng lu.43 While there is no way of ascertaining what the original version was, it is interesting to note that both of these versions record only Linji's statement regarding "the true man with no-rank" in his address to the assembly. Neither source mentions the exchange with the monk-questioner that inspires Linji to strike the monk, an important feature of the way Linji's teaching comes to be rendered. In the Zutang ji, the accompanying rebuke is depicted rather prosaically with the exclamation "The true man with no-rank—what an impure thing." The phrase "impure thing" (bu jing zhi wu) is but one way in which the Zutang ji conveys rather delicate images compared to the vivid expressions in the Chuandeng lu versions.44
Even though the Sibu congkan edition is represented by a later publication of the Buddhist canon in the Yuan dynasty (currently available in the Taishō shinshū daizōkyō edition) than the Tōji edition, based on a Song publication, the Sibu congkan version of the Chuandeng lu is actually closer to the original.45 Both versions exhibit more colorful language than was found in the Zutang ji. The "impure thing" (bujing zhi wu) becomes Linji's famous "dried shit stick" (ganshi jue). The "body-field of the five skandhas" (wuyin shentian) becomes the vividly expressed "lump of red flesh" (chirou tuanshang). In both cases, prosaic terms are substituted with lively imagery intended to stimulate the imagination. Moreover, the "true man with no rank" is no longer depicted blandly as merely inhabiting "the body-filed of the five skandhas," but is seen dynamically as "entering and exiting the openings of your face." This process of substitution and elaboration is not accidental, but is part of a larger design to transform Linji into a new kind of dynamic patriarch. It is closely connected with the creation of Linji's persona as a vigorous spirit, an innovative patriarch championing a revolutionary understanding of Buddhism.
Both Tōji edition of the Chuandeng lu depicts the exchange between Linji and the monk-questioner in much more vivid terms. The Sibu congkan edition has Linji issue a challenge to the assembly: "If you do not recognize him (i.e., the true man with no rank), you are simply old monks who ask [a lot of] questions." The Tōji edition substitutes the even more provocative: "Any of you who haven't figured this out yet, Look! Look!" Following the monk's question: "Who is the true man with no rank?", the Tōji edition continues Linji's provocations with "Linji got down off his meditation seat, grabbed the monk and said: "Speak! Speak!" The monk tried to say something. Linji let go of him, and said: "The true man with no rank-what a dried shit stick!" He then returned to his quarters." Not surprisingly, it is this most developed, Tōji edition version that becomes standardized in the Linji lu.46 It most closely fits the image of the patriarch that those who shaped it wanted to convey.
Before leaving our discussion of Linji's teaching regarding the "true man with no rank," mention should be made of the comments that this episode inspired in different versions. In the Zutang ji version, Xuefeng commented: "Linji seems a very skillful fellow."47 The appearance of comments by Xuefeng Yicun and his disciples are found throughout the Zutang ji. The compilers of the Zutang ji, disciples of Shengdeng, were descended from Xuefeng, and the Zutang ji provides a window on the way the records of former masters were used in contemporary Chan circles, particularly among the lineages descended from Xuefeng Yicun.48 The interesting thing here, however, is that the character for lin in Linji's name attributed to Xuefeng here is non-standard. The standard form derives from the place name, Linji (contemporary Shanxi), literally meaning "facing the ford (of a river or stream)," where the people of Zhao requested Linji take up residence.49 The character for lin attributed to Xuefeng is completely different, meaning "forest" or "grove." It is not unusual to find copyists errors in medieval Chinese texts, especially one like the Zutang ji which was not subjected to the editorial checking and revising processes that were common to most texts. Nevertheless, the inclusion of such an error indicates that the figure of Linji was not so widely acknowledged at the time when this comment was written down as to preclude the possibility of such an error occurring.
The Sibu congkan edition of the Chuandeng lu also contains a comment by Xuefeng, but this one is different: "Later, when Xuefeng was asked about this, he commented: 'Linji is very much like a thief who steals things in broad daylight.'"50 Setting aside the difficulty in interpreting the meaning, it is interesting for showing the difference in the way Xuefeng's comments were remembered. It is possible that the Fayan tradition, to which the original compiler of the Chuandeng lu belonged, recalled a different tradition of commentary for Xuefeng.51 However this may be, it is interesting to note that the Tōji edition of the Chuandeng lu lacks any trace of Xuefeng's comment,52 and this is the version that became standardized with the Linji lu. As important s figure the Xuefeng Yicun was for the spread of Chan in the post-Tang period, the presence of his comments did not fit the aspirations of a growing number of Chan adherents who traced themselves directly through Linji, and validated themselves by championing Linji as their patriarch. This is a theme to which we will have occasion to return to later.Accounts of Linji's Awakening and the Transmission from Huangbo to Linji
Linji's own lineage affiliation was the subject of some contention according to the early fragments. According to the standardized account of Linji's awakening experience, Linji received dharma-transmission from his teacher Huangbo and belonged to a lineage descended through Mazu Daoyi as follows: Mazu → Baizhang → Huangbo → Linji. The famous story confirming Linji's awakening under Huangbo is contained in the Chuandeng lu. The account in the two editions is largely the same, except for some alterations and additions in the Tōji edition.53 Discrepancies between the two versions have been indicated with bold-faced type in the translations.
While the two versions are virtually the same throughout, where alterations do occur they confirm the previously noted tendency in the Tōji edition to further dramatize the story and render it in more vivid and colorful terms. When Linji finally experiences great awakening in conversation with Dayu, contending "Huangbo's Buddha-dharma is not such a big deal after all!", in the Tōji edition, Dayu begins his challenge by referring to Linji as a "bed-wetting little devil" (niaochuang guizi). Also, at the conclusion of the story, in the Sibu congkan edition Huangbo simply "ha-ha'd a great laugh," when Linji went to strike him. In the Tōji edition, Huangbo retorts "This crazy fellow has come here to pluck the tiger's beard!"
The story has Linji as a practitioner in the assembly at Mt. Huangbo, where Huangbo is master. At the prompting of the head of the monk's hall, Linji is persuaded to approach Huangbo and ask "What is the meaning of the patriarch-master (Bodhidharma) coming from the west?", a standard question uttered from the mouths of students seeking to engage masters on the true meaning of Chan. On three successive occasions Linji is said to have put the question to Huangbo, each time being rebuked with a blow. When Linji, apparently dejected, announces his plans for departure, the head monk confides to Huangbo that even though Linji is young, he is very talented, and asks Huangbo to provide some encouragement to him when he comes to bid farewell. (It was the custom for monks, when entering or leaving a monastery, to have a formal meeting with the master in charge.) When Linji bade farewell, Huangbo suggested he go visit Dayu. Upon meeting Dayu, Linji is asked to recount his former rebukes at the hands of Huangbo. When Dayu chastises Linji for not recognizing what a kindly old woman Huangbo is, exhausting himself thoroughly on his behalf, Linji is said to have experienced great awakening, claiming "Huangbo's Buddha-dharma is not such a big deal after all!" Dayu then challenges Linji, calling him a "bed-wetting little devil" (in the Tōji edition), and forcefully asks him to explain himself. When Linji responds by striking Dayu in the ribs with his fist, Dayu pushes Linji away, proclaiming: "Your teacher is Huangbo. You are of no concern to me." At this point, Linji returns to Huangbo, and when Huangbo asks why he has returned so soon, Linji replies that it is because Huangbo is "such a kindly old woman." After paying customary respects to Huangbo, Huangbo asks Linji to recount what he learned from Dayu. When Linji finished recounting, Huangbo remarks: "Next time I see that old rascal Dayu, I'll give him a blow." Linji then responds: "Why talk of waiting to see him? I'll give you a blow right now!", and proceeds to strike Huangbo with his fist. In the Sibu congkan edition, Huangbo simply "ha-ha's a great laugh," but in the Tōji edition, Huangbo exclaims: "This crazy fellow has come to pluck the tiger's beard!", at which Linji lets out a yell. The episode ends there with Huangbo asking an attendant to "take this crazy fellow off to the practice hall."
Even though this is the principle account affirming dharma-transmission between Huangbo and Linji, it remains ambiguous and open to alternate interpretation given the central role played by Dayu in precipitating Linji's awakening. A more elaborate version of the story appears in the xinglu (Record of Activities) section of the Linji lu, acknowledging it as the standard account.54 The elaborations in the Linji lu do nothing to change the basic structure or meaning of the story, but are intended to fill in details. As such, they provide a further window into the image making process by those claiming legitimacy through their connection to Linji. Most notably, details are added to the first part of the story, where Linji resides on Mt. Huangbo as a student and is initially persuaded by the head monk to approach the master with a question. In the Linji lu we are informed that Linji went about his duties in "an earnest and straightforward manner," earning the admiration of the head monk who remarks how Linji is different from the others, even though he is young. In conversation with Linji, the head monk learns that Linji has been practicing on Mt. Huangbo for three years, but has yet to question the master. Leaving the seemingly incredulous fact that a head monk would not know one of his charges or how long he had been around aside, the point of such added detail is to enhance Linji's status as Huangbo's student. After Linji's failed encounters with Huangbo (in the Linji lu version, the head monk actually provides the question "What is the real basic meaning of the Buddha-dharma?" for Linji to ask Huangbo), when the head monk confides to Huangbo about Linji's potential, the Linji lu version has the head monk predict that Linji will "shape up into a fine big tree that will make cool shade for the people of the world." When Linji subsequently comes to Huangbo to bid farewell, Huangbo virtually orders (rather than suggests) Linji to go visit Dayu, who will explain things for him. These alterations affirm that Linji's destiny was acknowledged before leaving Huangbo, and that Linji's visit to Dayu was the result of Huangbo's active direction. The Linji lu thus strengthens Linji's association with Huangbo, and clarifies that Linji's subsequent dealings with Dayu were part of a strategy initiated by Huangbo himself.
The need to strengthen Linji's association with Huangbo was necessitated by the earlier accounts. In the Chuandeng lu versions, Linji appears as little more than an itinerant Chan monk who, after unsuccessful encounters with the master at Huangbo, is ready to move on. His actual awakening experience occurs at the hands of Dayu. When Dayu is made to deny central affiliation with Linji in the Chuandeng lu versions, proclaiming: "Your teacher is Huangbo. You are of no concern to me,"
This is really an acknowledgment of the problem of Linji's primary affiliation, a feeble attempt to certify Huangbo's status as Linji's master and not Dayu.
Most telling evidence of the uncertainty surrounding Linji's affiliation is contained in the brief commentary to the episode included in both the Tōji edition of the Chuandeng lu and the Linji lu.55
The fact that the question is retained in standard accounts speaks to its legitimacy. Guishan Lingyou (771-853) and Yangshan Huiji (807-883) were prominent Chan masters, renowned founders of the so-called Guiyang lineage, one of the "five houses" of classical Chan. Guishan was a dharma-heir of Baizhang, a fellow student with Huangbo. Yangshan was Guishan's disciple. They appear as commentators to many episodes in the Chuandeng lu records of Linji and in the Linji lu itself. The feasibility and significance of Guishan and Yangshan's comments, as members of a rival lineage, will be discussed later on. The comments here only serve to underscore how legitimate it was to consider Linji as Dayu's disciple, as well as Huangbo's.
The basis for this legitimacy is very clearly drawn in the account of Linji's awakening recorded in the Zutang ji.57
Zutang ji ed.
The Zutang ji version clearly favors the role played by Dayu in precipitating Linji's awakening, assigning Huangbo's part to a subsidiary role. This is further confirmed in the commentary included in the Zutang ji between Zhaoqing Huileng (854-932) and an attendant.59
Setting aside the difficulty in determining the identity of the attendant, the main speaker here, the significance of the commentary lies in its presumption that Linji is Dayu's disciple. Zhaoqing (or Zhangqing) Huileng was an important disciple of Xuefeng Yicun. The Zhaoqing temple was the principal residence of Shengdeng, and the place where the Zutang ji was compiled.60 The above commentary certainly reflects the opinion regarding Linji's proper lineage affiliation in branches of Chan descended from Xuefeng through Shengdeng and its associated members.
As if to correct this bold contradiction regarding Linji's "standard" affiliation as Huangbo's disciple, the Zutang ji does a quick about face in a feeble attempt to cover its tracks. Immediately following the above commentary, the narrative of the story about Linji's awakening concludes as follows.61
The conclusion to the Zutang ji version represents nothing more than a tenuous attempt to cover over the details of the account of Linji's awakening under Dayu, as described here, with the demands of a later orthodoxy requiring succession through Huangbo. As Yanagida Seizan has instructively pointed out, the orthodox lineage from Huangbo to Linji was hardly a foregone conclusion, and other orthodoxies were indeed possible.62 The following is an indication of the leading possibilities for orthodox lineages descended from Mazu:
(1) Mazu → Nanquan → Zhaozhou
(2) Mazu → Baizhang → Guishan → Yangshan
(3) Mazu → Baizhang → Huangbo → Linji
Yanagida also points out that the Sijia yulu (Recorded Sayings of the Four Houses), a collection of the recorded sayings of four generations of masters culminating with Linji (Mazu, Baizhang, Huangbo, Linji), represents an affirmation of orthodoxy for later masters tracing themselves through Linji.63 While the Sijia yulu is known to us through only a later Ming edition, the preface of Yang Jie dated the eighth year of yuanfeng (1085) indicates the oldest known publication of the text.64 Moreover, an earlier version of the Sijia yulu's contents is contained in the Tiansheng guangdeng lu, compiled 1036, so that the earliest confirmable affirmation of Linji lineage orthodoxy is traceable to this date.65 The drive to affirm this orthodoxy began even before this, with the rise of the Linji lineage in the early Song. The actual founder of the Linji lineage was Shoushan Shengnian (925-992), a fifth generation heir of Linji and disciple of Fengxue Yanzhao (887-973).66
Shengnian's disciple, Fenyang Shanzhao (947-1024), also achieved fame as a prominent Chan master in the early Song, and with the support of notable Song officials and luminaries, the Linji lineage rose to a preeminent position in Song circles. The prominent literati, Yang Yi (974-1020), edited and wrote a preface for Daoyuan's compilation, the Fozu tongcan ji (Collection of the Common Practice of the Buddhas and Patriarchs), issuing it as the Jingde Chuandeng lu. Li Zunxu, a son-in-law of the emperor, compiled the Tiansheng Guangdeng lu.67 Both Yang Yi and Li Zunxu were disciples of contemporary Linji masters. Yang Yi was closely associated with of Guanghui Yuanlian (951-1036), a disciple of the prominent master Shoushan Shengnian, and a contemporary of Fenyang Shanzhao.68 Yang Yi was also closely associated with another disciple of Shengnian, Yuncong of Mt. Guyin (965-1032).69 Li Zunxu wrote Yuncong's tomb-inscription. According to it, the Guangdeng lu was compiled expressly to document the achievements of Shengnian and his disciples.70
With the support of prominent officials like Yang Yi and Li Zunxu, the descendants of Linji asserted their orthodoxy over Chan. This orthodoxy was predicated on Linji's status as a major Chan patriarch in the lineage descended from Mazu Daoyi. The inspiration for collecting Linji's recorded sayings stems from this, as does the need to align Linji as Huangbo's disciple.Prophecies Regarding Linji
One of the common ways for asserting orthodoxy in the Chan tradition is through prophecy. The prophetic technique is an artifice conceived by contemporaries to assign authority to their predecessors, and thus themselves. In the Chan tradition, prophecy contains predictions about a student's future glory, through whom the fortunes of Chan will rise. Among numerous examples that could be cited, there is the famous prophecy of the fifth patriarch, Hongren, who predicts how Huineng's influence will shape the future of Chan.
A glimpse of predictions regarding Linji was seen above, in the Linji lu account of Linji's awakening, when the head monk confides to Huangbo about Linji's potential: "Later I'm sure he'll shape up into a fine big tree that will make cool shade for the people of the world."71 This is merely a foreshadowing of Linji's presumed greatness, an acknowledgment of it (in effect, a claiming of it) before Linji sets off to visit Dayu. The real prediction motif involving Huangbo and Linji occurs in another story, recorded in both versions of the Chuandeng lu.72
As seen previously, although the thrust of the two versions is the same, the Tōji edition contains richer detail, as if it represents the more polished version. The planting of cedar trees is a metaphor for establishing a tradition which will go on to flourish far into the future. Huangbo and Linji are figuratively planting the seeds for the future Chan tradition, one that will be preserved through the interpretation of the teaching they establish. The point of the story is to alleviate any doubt concerning Linji as the legitimate representative of Huangbo's teaching. Given the forces at work among Linji's descendants in the early Song, it is hardly surprising to find such a story affirming Linji as Huangbo's legitimate heir. It is merely designed to confirm and confer legitimacy on the presumptions of Linji's descendants. Of further interest is the commentary offered on this story, worded exactly the same in both versions.73
Many questions surround how to read the cryptic comments of Yangshan regarding who the future predictions refer to. Monk Nanta refers to Nanta Guangyong (850-938), a disciple of Yangshan who also visited Linji and was impressed by his teaching the "buddha in the flesh" (roushenfo) (i.e., the living buddha).75 Guishan, as we have seen, was a fellow disciple with Huangbo of Baizhang Huaihai. Yangshan was Guishan's disciple, and Linji's contemporary. In effect, they represented a competing lineage to Linji, and their comments here may be interpreted as a disingenuous charade by the Linji faction to confer legitimacy upon themselves through sanction from rivals.
There seems to be consensus in interpreting the "great wind" (dafeng) as a reference to Fengxue Yanzhao (896-973), the progenitor of the Linji faction's revival in the early Song. Dafeng ("great wind") was the name of the mountain in Ruzhou that Fengxue ("Wind Cave") temple was located.76 The "pointing to the south" (nan) is usually read as a reference to Nanyuan Huiyong (d. ca. 950), Fengxue's teacher, who taught in the south.77 For Iriya Yoshitaka, it simply refers to an unidentified member of the Linji lineage who spread the teaching of Huangbo and Linji in the south.78 The reference to Wu and Yue is sometimes read as a reference to the region in south China where Fengxue hailed from.79 There is no consensus about who the "[one] seated alone, trembling in fear" who first fulfilled the prediction, refers to.
Regardless of the difficulty in deciphering the precise meaning intended in the cryptic comments recorded here, it seems clear that the prediction is intended to validate Fengxue and his descendants, the contemporary proponents of Linji Chan in the early Song. With slight alteration, this tree planting episode, including an abbreviated version of Yangshan's commentary, was standardized in the Linji lu.80The Transmission of Linji's Teaching
The transmission of Linji's dharma to his disciples was no less an issue than the supposed transmission between Huangbo and Linji. The end of the Chuandeng lu record contains Linji's transmission verse. The two versions are as follows.
The Zutang ji makes no mention of a dharma-transmission verse, providing only the date of Linji's passing, his posthumous title and tomb name (given there as "Pure Vacuity" [chengxu]).81 The Chuandeng lu is the first record to mention Linji's transmission verse. As can be seen in the above, there is a great discrepancy between the two Chuandeng lu versions. The Sibu congkan edition is sparse, providing only the date of passing, the dharma-transmission verse, and Linji's posthumous title and tomb name.82 No mention is made of any disciple's name in connection with the transmission verse. The Tōji edition provides significant elaboration in this regard. It includes a supposed final lecture by Linji invoking his students not to destroy his "True Dharma Eye Treasury" (zhengfa yanzang). The "True Dharma Eye Treasury" is a central theme of the Baolin zhuan (Transmission of the Treasure Grove), an earlier Chan transmission record, compiled in 801, which takes its name from the location of Huineng's monastery in Baolin. A central theme of the Baolin zhuan is the transmission verse between patriarchs, which serve as a symbol of the transmission of Śākyamuni's True Dharma Eye Treasury, the essence of Chan, between them.83 The composition of verses to symbolize dharma-transmission began with the Platform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch (liuzu tanjing), and as Yanagida has indicated, the presumption of such a verse here is closely connected to the desire to confer patriarchal status on Linji by his descendants.84
Sansheng Huiran (d.u.), the disciple whose name appears in connection with Linji's dharma-transmission verse in the Tōji edition version, was the compiler of the initial version of the Linji lu, and his name still appears as the text's compiler.85 Little is known of his life.86 The presumption of orthodoxy by compilers of a masters teachings is also seen in the case of Fahai, the compiler of Huineng's teachings in the Platform Sūtra. The interesting thing to note here is that the connection of the dharma-transmission verse with Sansheng's name is an innovation that occurs in the Tōji edition, but not in the Sibu congkan edition. The same innovation is found in the Guangdeng lu.87 It is no coincidence that the Zutang ji, which has no transmission verse, retains the awakening story privileging Linji's connection to Dayu over Huangbo. The genesis of the transmission verse motif among Linji's descendants is rooted in the concern over an orthodox lineage tying Linji to Huangbo. The Zutang ji bears little evidence of that concern, instead giving weight to Dayu's role in precipitating Linji's awakening, as seen above. In any case, the enlightenment verse and the matter of orthodox transmission reflect the concerns of later generations of Linji's descendants, interested in projecting an image of Linji suitable to their own pursuits. It is probable that in the atmosphere of early Song literati support for the Linji faction, priority would be given to Huangbo as a result of his strong connection to the official Pei Xiu. The model of Pei Xiu, compiler of Huangbo's teachings in the Chuanxin fayao (Essential Teachings on the Transmission of Mind), loomed large over the likes of Song officials Yang Yi and Li Zunxu who played instrumental roles in the compilation of early Song Chan records.
Apparently, not everyone in the Linji faction conceded that Sansheng was the principal heir. While the Chuandeng lu record of Sansheng acknowledges that Sansheng received sanction (jue) from Linji,88 it appears as if Sansheng's interpretation of Linji's teachings was disputed by another faction of his descendants. As is well-known, Linji's teaching style is associated with strategic shouts and hits, designed to test the veracity of student acts and utterances. These techniques became emblematic of the unique style associated with Linji. According to the Linji tradition, these were techniques inspired by Mazu, and developed through Mazu's disciples and their descendants. To the Linji faction, Linji represents the culmination of this tradition. The formation of the Linji lu is a testament to this legacy. According to the dharma-transmission verse episode recorded in the Tōji edition above, when Linji tests Sansheng by asking: "If someone later on asks you about it (i.e., the True Dharma Eye Treasury), what would you say to them?", Sansheng shouted, indicating his understanding of the essence of Linji's teaching in terms of this technique. According to the Chuandeng lu, Xinghua Cunjiang of Weifu (d. 924), another disciple of Linji, was critical of those who used this technique, chastising his students for their senseless and indiscriminate yelling in the corridors and cloakrooms throughout the monastery.89 As a result of this, Yanagida suggests that two factions formed among Linji's disciples, a Sansheng faction and a Xinghua faction.90 Xinghua Cunjiang's name is appended to the end of the Linji lu, where he is identified Linji's dharma-heir and collator (jiaokan) of the Linji lu text.91 This gives credence to Yanagida's hypothesis regarding the existence of a Xinghua and Sansheng faction among Linji's disciples. Although it is difficult to discern the precise influence of either faction over the contents of the Linji lu, it suggests that both played a role in shaping the image of Linji contained in it.
Elsewhere. the Chuandeng lu records that Shoushan Shengnian, the progenitor of the Linji revival in the Song, identified the shout as indicative of Linji's style, and hitting as representative of Deshan.92 Given Shoushan's concern for promoting the Linji lineage, it is hardly surprising to see his championing of factional identity based on sectarian distinctions. This concern is apparent from the question posed to him by a monk at the outset of his record in the Chuandeng lu: ""n the day [commemorating] the opening of the monastery, a monk asked [Shoushan]: 'Which house's (jia) tune does the master sing? Whose sectarian style (zongfeng) do you follow?'"93 It also suggests that Shoushan sided with Sansheng's interpretation of Linji's teaching style, and intimates why the use of shouts plays such a prominent role in the Linji lu. While Sansheng and Shoushan may have been responsible for compiling and collating the original record of Linji, one cannot ignore the influence that Shoushan had over the interpretation of Linji's teaching as he promoted the image of Linji and the interests of the Linji faction in the early Song.
1. Among Yanagida's work, see especially Shoki zenshūshisho no kenkyū (Studies on Early Zen Manuscripts), (Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1967). For Tanaka, see especially Tonko zenshū bunken no kenkyū (A Study of Zen Documents from Dunhuang). Iriya, a specialist on Tang vernacular, has published a number of translations associated with Tang Chan figures. return
2. Japanese annotated translations of the Linji lu [all titled Rinzai roku] include those by Asahina Sōgen (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1981; originally published 1935), Akizuki Ryūmin (Tokyo: Tsukuba shobō, 1972) in the Zen no goroku series no. 10, Yanagida Seizan (Tokyo: Daizō shuppansha, 1978), and Iriya Yoshitaka (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1991). Foreign language translations include Paul Demiéville's Entretiens de Lin-tsi (Paris: Fayard, 1972), Ruth Fuller Sasaki's The Recorded Sayings of Ch'an Master Lin-chi Hui-chao of Chen Prefecture (Kyoto: Institute for Zen Studies,1975), and Burton Watson's The Zen Teachings of Master Lin-chi (Boston & London: Shambala, 1993). In addition, Urs App, in conjunction with the International Research Institute for Zen Buddhism, Hanazono University, has published the Concordance to the Record of Linji (Rinzai) (1993). return
3. PROVIDE BIBLIO INFO. return
4. Yanagida Seizan, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism" (trans. by John R. McRae of "Zenshū goroku no keisei," Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 18:1, Dec. 1969) in Whalen Lai and Lewis Lancaster, eds., Early Ch'an in China and Tibet (Berkeley: Regents of the University of California, 1983), pp. 188-189. return
5. Rinzai roku nōto (Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1972). return
6. Chan Insights and Oversights (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 110. The signal of a changing approach to Chan and Zen's classical figures was first sounded by T. Griffith Foulk, in his study of Baizhang Huaihai and the Chan Monastic Institution: "The 'Ch'an School' and Its Place in the Buddhist Monastic Tradition" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1987). Following this, Foulk has published ground-breaking studies challenging perceived notions of Chan institutional practices and ideas, including "Myth, Ritual, and Monastic Practice in Sung Ch'an Buddhism" (BIBLIO INFO) and "Sung Controversies Concerning the 'Separate Transmission' of Ch'an" (BIBLIO INFO). A number of important works on the development of Ch'an and Zen continue to appear, freer of the ideological tinge that had suffused much of Chan and Zen scholarship. Among them are articles relating to Song Chan by Peter Gregory, Morten Schlütter, Ding-hwa Hsieh, Miriam Levering, T. Griffith Foulk, and Chi-chiang Huang in the volume Buddhism in the Sung edited by Gregory and Daniel Getz. Also of interest are dissertations relating to Song Chan by (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999). return
7. "The Life of Lin-chi I-hsuan," translated by Ruth fuller Sasaki, The Eastern Buddhist: New Series 2 (1972), pp. 70-94. return
8. Rinzai roku, pp. 14-17. return
9. T 48.399a; Yanagida Seizan, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," pp. 188-189. return
10. SGSZ 20 (T 50.842c) and SGSZ 11 (T 50.775c); Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 185. Yanagida also points out that word yulu occurs in an early non-Chan Buddhist text, the Beishan sanxuan yulu by Shenqing of Huian Temple in Zizhou, modern Szechuan, but differs from Chan yulu in that it was written by Shenqing himself, not a third-person scribe. In "Goroku no rekishi" (Tōhō gakuhō 57, 1985), p. 229, Yanagida also notes that the same claim is made in SGSZ 13 regarding the yulu of Fayan Wenyi. return
11. On Zanning's role among the Song literati, see my A" Buddhist Response to the Confucian Revival: Tsan-ning and the Debate over Wen (Culture) in the Early Sung," Peter Gregory and Daniel Getz, eds., Buddhism in the Sung (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999), pp. 21-61. return
12. Yanagida Seizan, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 185. return
13. Yanagida Seizan, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 186. return
14. ZTJ 14 (ZBK PAGE NOS.) and CDL 6 (T 51.245c-246c); for the earliest recorded form of his "recorded sayings," see CDL 28 (T 51.REF.). According to Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism"(p. 187), the spirit of Mazu's words were carried on in Dazhu Huihai's Dunwu yaomen (The Essential Teachings of Sudden Enlightenment) and Baizhang Huaihai's (720-814) Baizhang guanglu (The Extended Record of Baizhang). return
15. Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism,"p. 187. return
16. T 47.501c; Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism,"p. 188. return
17. T 47.501b; Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 188. return
18. See my essay, "Mah~k~Ñyapa's Smile: Silent Transmission and the Kung-an (Kōan) Tradition," in Steven Heine and Dale Wright, eds., The Kōan: Texts and Contexts in Zen Buddhism (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 75-109. return
19. Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 189. As Yanagida indicates, this new approach is exemplified in the Baolin zhuan, which begins with the Sutra in Forty-Two Sections, i.e., the oral teaching of the Buddha. return
20. This is found in Yuanwu Keqin's (1063-1135) sermon to Long Zhizang (1077-1136) (Yuanwu yulu 14; T 47.777a); see Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 191. Stories demonstrating this direct practical demonstration by Indian patriarchs originated in the Chinese Ch'an school with or after the Baolin zhuan. return
21. The twelve masters with yulu segments in ch. 28 of the Chuandeng lu are: PROVIDE NAMES return
22. The yulu of Mazu, Baizhang, Huangbo, and Linji are found in GDL GIVE CHAPS (ZZ 78.PAGE NOS.) return
23. Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 198. return
24. According to Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism" (p. 200), Juefan Huihong in the Shimen wenzi chan (Chan Words from the Stone Gate) specifically affirms that a great number of Tang Chan master's oral records were edited and republished in the early Song. return
25. Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 199. As Yanagida points out, while the present text was re-edited in the Ming, at the end of each of its three chapters is a claim that the text was thoroughly checked by "the monk of Chengshi, the chief monk of Xixian baojue chanyuan on Lu shan, who has received transmission of the teaching and a bequest of the purple robe." return
26. Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 200. return
27. T 47.594ff and ZZ FIND REF. Over a century earlier, the teachings of Huangbo were issued by the government official and student of Huangbo, Pei Xiu, as the Chuanxin fayao. As noted previously, the first recorded usage of the term yulu was by Zanning in the SGSZ in connection with records associated with Huangbo and Zhaozhou. return
28. Zenseki mokuroku, published by Komazawa University (Tokyo: Nihon bussho kankōkai, 1962), as cited in Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," p. 200. return
29. Yanagida, "The "Recorded Sayings" Texts of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism," pp. 200-201. return
30. ZTJ 15, record of Dongsi Heshang (East Temple Monk) (ZBK REF.); Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 231. return
31. Tang Hongzhou Baizhang shangu Huaihai Chanshi taming bingxu (QTW 466; also attached to Chixiu Baizhang qinggui 8 [T 48.1156b]); Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 232. return
32. SGSZ 12 (T 50.REF). return
33. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," pp. 234-235. return
34. Zhizheng dashi qinglai mulu (T 55.1106c). return
35. ZJL 1 (T 48.417b). return
36. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 237, suggests an evolution in the use of terms from yuben to yanjiao. He also suggests that the term yuyao (Essential Sayings) is another name for yanjiao, and that yuyao were formed by extracting important sections from guangyu (Extensive Sayings). return
37. ZTJ19 (ZBK 721.5-6). return
38. See Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," pp. 237-243. return
39. ZTJ 17 (ZBK SOURCE) and ZTJ 15 (ZBK SOURCE). return
40. CDL 28 (T 48.446c9-447a10). return
41. CDL 28 (T 51.437c-449a) contains the following guangyu: return
42. ZTJ 19 (ZBK 717.13-718.3). return
43. ZJL 98 (T 48.943c18-20). return
44. The translations are based on the Taishō version of the Chuandeng lu ('sibu congkan ed.; T 51.290c18-22) and the corresponding differences noted by Nishiguchi, "Sakuin," Zenbunka kenkyūjō 1993: 13b-16b (' Tōji ed.). For information on these two editions, see the following note. return
45. See Nishiguchi Toshiō, "Tōzenji han Keitoku dentōroku kaidai," Zenbunka kenkyūjō 1990: 3-13; "Sakuin," 1993: 1-43. The Tōji edition refers to the Song publication issued from Dongchan si, "East Chan Temple," in Fuzhou in the third year of yuanli (1080), in the possession of Tōji in Kyoto. It represents the oldest complete version of the Chuandeng lu in current existence. Even though the Sibu congkan edition is represented by a later version of the Chuandeng lu, issued in the third year of yanyou (1316), in the Yuan dynasty, its contents are closer to the original (see esp. p. 6a). This version is the basis of the Chuandeng lu text contained in the Taishō shinshu daizōkyō edition of the Buddhist canon (T 51-2076). Nishiguchi's contention is based on a comparison of the contents of both editions against the Chuandeng yuying ji, an abridged version of the Chuandeng lu issued by Wang Sui in 1034), showing the closer similarity between it and the Yuan edition than that of the Song. return
46. T 47.496c10-14 (Watson #3, p. 13). return
47. ZTJ 19 (ZBK 717.3-4). return
48. Yanagida Seizan, "Sodōshu no shiryō katchi," pp. 68-71, provides a list of 48 masters who participated in such gongan style commentary in the Zutang ji, with a total of 194 such comments. As Yanagida points out (p. 72), nearly half of these (23) are attributed to direct disciples of Xuefeng Yicun. The lineage from Xuefeng to the Zutang ji is as follows: Xuefeng Yicun B> Baofu Congzhan B> Zhaoqing Shengdeng B> Monks Jing and Yun (compilers of the Zutang ji). return
49. CDL 12 (T 51.290c17-18). return
50. CDL 12 (T 51.290c22). return
51. The lineage from Xuefeng to the Chuandeng lu is as follows: Xuefeng Yicun B> Xuansha Shibei B> Tanzhou Guichen B> Fayan Wenyi B> Tiantai Deshao B> Daoyuan (compiler of the Chuandeng lu). return
52. See Nishiguchi, "Sakuin," p. 16a. return
53. CDL 12 (T 51.290a20-b8); Nishiguchi, "Sakuin," p. 13b-14b. return
54. T 47.504b28-505a4; Watson, tr., #48:104-107. return
55. Nishiguchi, "Sakuin," p. 14b5-6; T 47. 505a2-4. return
56. For the reading of deli of de Dayu li, de Huangbo li, see Yanagida Seizan, Rinzai roku (Tokyo: Daizō shuppansha, 1972), note on p. 236. return
57. ZTJ 19 (ZBK 718.12-720.4); I have also consulted Yanagida's translations of this passage in Rinzai roku, pp. 238-239, as well as in "Goroku no rekishi," pp. 560-561. return
58. See Iriya ZT 205b for the translation of the term chushen. return
59. ZTJ 19 (ZKJ 720.4-6). return
60. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi" (p. 660, n. 790), suggests that two traditions circulated regarding Linji's awakening, a southern tradition which valued his connection to Dayu, recorded in the Zutang ji, and a northern version which gave precedence to Huangbo. return
61. ZTJ 19 (ZKJ 720.6-10). return
62. Yanagida Seizan, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 479. return
63. "Goroku no rekishi" (goroku no seiritsu), pp. 474-481. return
64. The text of the Sijia yulu is contained in ZZ REF.; Regarding Yang Jie's preface, see Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 635, n. 580. return
65. GDL PROVIDE CHAPTERS FOR SIJIA YULU CONTENTS return
66. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 568. return
67. Regarding Yang Yi and Li Zunxu's role in promoting Linji Chan at the Song court, see my essay "Mahākāśyapa's Smile: Silent Transmission and the Kung-an (Kōan) Tradition." return
68. Yuanlian's biography is contained in GDL 17 (ZZ 76.502a-b). Yang Yi discusses his associations with various Chan masters, including Yuanlian and Yuncong, in a letter to his colleague Li Wei recorded in his biography in GDL 18 (ZZ 78.511c5-512a1). return
69. Yuncong's biography is contained in GDL 17 (ZZ 76.499a-501c). return
70. A copy of the tomb-inscription is appended to the end of Yuncong's record in the GDL (ZZ 78.501a9-b20; see especially 501b16-17). return
71. T 47.504c12-13; Watson, tr., p. 105. return
72. CDL 12 (T 51.290b27-c2); Nishiguchi, "Sakuin," p. 15a-b. return
73. CDL 12 (T 51.290c2-4). return
74. The reading of this sentence is problematic, and subject to different interpretations. return
75. CDL 12 (T 51.294b). return
76. Ruth F. Sasaki, The Record of Lin-chi (Kyoto: The Institute for Zen Studies, 1975), pp. 85-86, n. 212. return
77. See Iriya Yoshitaka, tr., Rinzai roku (Tokyo: Iwanami bunko, 1989), pp. 186-187, n. 2. this interpretation also occurs in Watson, tr., p.108, n. 1. return
78. Iriya Yoshitaka, tr., Keitoku dentōroku IV? (BIBLIO DETAILS), p. 343, n. 10. As Iriya points out, some sources, like the Biyan lu and Tiansheng Guangdeng lu, propose that it refers to Fengxue; others (the Liandeng huiyao) claim it refers to Dahui return
79. Sasaki, pp. 85-86, n. 212. return
80. T 47.505a5-13; Watson, tr., #49:107-108. return
81. ZTJ 19 (ZBK 721.6-7). SGSZ 12 (T 50.779b) also gives "Pure Vacuity" (chengxu) as the name of his tomb. return
82. According to Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi" (p. 660, n. 789), Linji's posthumous name was awarded by the ???? (zhengde jun) of Zhenzhou. return
83. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 573. return
84. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi," p. 572. Yanagida also notes that this is the first such presumption since the time of Mazu. return
85. T 47.496b10. The Linji lu text is currently known to us only through the edition published in 1120. However, the content and arrangement of Linji's yulu materials in the GDL (compiled, 1036) may bring us closer to Sansheng's original compilation. return
86. Sansheng Huiran's record is contained in CDL 12 (T 51.294c-295a). return
87. GDL 10 (ZZ 78.439a). CK. SOURCE return
88. CDL 12 (T 51.294c29). CHECK return
89. CDL 13 (T 51.295b). GIVE LINE return
90. Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi" (p. 575). return
91. T 47.506c27. return
92. CDL 13 (T 51.304a-b). GIVE LINE Yanagida, "Goroku no rekishi" (p. 569), claims that assumptions regarding sectarian style associated with this distinction originated with Shoushan. return
93. CDL 13 (T 51.304a). GIVE LINE 38 The Textual History of the Linji lu: The Earliest Recorded Fragments 52 The Textual History of the Linji lu: The Earliest Recorded Fragments return